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Aid Policies In The First Year Of The War In Ukraine Constitute A Unique And Unprecedented Historical Case Destined To Leave An “Echo” In The International System Far Beyond Those Of The Individual Ukrainian Case And The Aid Sector Alone. Using A Realist Theoretical Approach In Which International Aid Public Policies (Iapps) Are A Central Variable In The History Of International Relations, This Article Starts With The Eight Peculiarities Of Ukrainian Aid That Emerged From A Recent Comparison With The Start Of The Bosnian War In 1992. That Is Proposed To Contextualise Their Political, Conceptual, And Historical Implications Within The Evolution Of Inter-State Aid. The Interaction Of These Peculiarities Has Established A New Model Of Interventionist Aid As Opposed To The Neutralist Model That Had Characterised Western Aid In The Past: The Provision Of Humanitarian-Emergency Or Development Cooperation Initiatives. The New Type Of Aid Analysed Herein Is Wide-Ranging (Military, Financial, Political, Etc.), Takes An Active Part In The Crisis To Condition Its Course And Outcome, And Defines Primarily Political And Not Humanitarian Objectives. Thus, It Functions According To The Tactical Requirements Of The Scenario. New Unregulated Practices Of Weaponisation Of Aid And Aidisation Of Weapons Make Interventionist Aid An Anarchic Yet Central Element Of Warfare. The Prospect Of Its Eventual Consolidation Among The Foundational Elements Of A New World Order Prompts Speculation About Future National Scenarios Of Post-Democracy Aid And International Scenarios Of World War Aid.

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This article examines the development of the Russian foreign policy of extraterritorial naturalisations of populations in the regions of South Ossetia and Ukraine and the interdependence of this policy with the further use of force. The research aims to frame and conceptualise the strategic foreign policy of “passportisation” by crystallising and further comparing its specific features in the two examined cases of application. The article claims that (i) passportisation as a policy remains loosely defined; (ii) the policy is not illegal per se; (iii) the application of a policy by Russia has changed significantly through the years; and (iv) a very nuanced approach shall be taken in assessing the “bad faith” component depending on the particular case of application. Future hypothetical scenarios of potential intensification of the policy are presented in an attempt to position the policy as an effective strategic tool in the general Russian foreign policy agenda and stress its potential and emerging role. The authors applied a holistic approach to examining the passportisation phenomenon in order to provide the most comprehensive overview of the application of the policy, its legal framework, and potential future scenarios.

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Global climate challenges increasingly determine the prospects for world economic development, which entails an increase in the importance of the green transition agenda in the activities of international organisations and national governments. An example of a developed and consistent action programme at the national and supranational levels is the European Green Deal (EGD). The EU member states adhere to an ambitious strategy to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and achieve climate neutrality, solving the problems of introducing eco-friendly technologies (including alternative energy), energy efficiency, the formation of a sustainable industry, and the transition to a circular economy. The EU member states and candidate countries from Southeastern Europe (SЕЕ) have to follow in the footsteps of the European climate policy and implement the developed plans to reduce the anthropogenic pressure on the environment. The key hypothesis of this study is that the states of the region, with rare exceptions, lag behind the average level of the EU in terms of the energy efficiency of their economies, the prevalence of energy-saving technologies, and the usage of renewables. Despite the developed institutional framework, the progress of the green transition in Serbia is very limited: the dynamics of reducing greenhouse gas emissions (including per GDP) is unsatisfactory, and the emissions intensity and energy intensity levels remain among the highest in the region. Using a comparative analysis method, we examined the structure of electricity generation and the place renewable sources take in this structure. We also analysed in detail the differences between the countries of the region in a number of indicators: energy intensity level of primary energy, greenhouse gas emissions (including per GDP), and the volume of carbon dioxide emissions in relation to the unit of electricity generated (emissions intensity). We conclude that institutional maturity, the sufficiency of financial support for the projects, and the availability of economic incentives for green transition are the determining factors for achieving the goals of the EGD in SEE.

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The subject of this paper is to characterise the German term Zeitenwende as a “turning point in history”, which culminated with the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 and the first German national security strategy. The paper examines if and how the global Zeitenwende changed German security and defence policy through four variables: a strategic environment, the character of security policy, perceived threats, and responses. This change is examined through the use of the concept of change in international relations and methods of historical and content analysis, as well as comparative methods. The structured interview is also used for the collection of relevant data. The paper concludes that, on the one hand, the Zeitenwende proves German transatlantic and multilateral security policy identity and interests, such as a greater and more accepted influence within NATO, holding the European division line and Russian geopolitical interests away from German borders, and spreading the European security order as wide as possible. On the other side, it contributes to the further evolution of German security policy by releasing it from residual Second World War constraints. Finally, the Zeitenwende involves Germany more strongly in a global systemic rivalry, making it less dependent on other “poles” of world order and with a priority given to competing with challengers rather than changing them from within.

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The rapid growth of the population in the last 70 years has been constantly accompanied by increasing migration flows. From 1950 to 2020, the population of Europe grew from about 547 million to 741 million, while the Muslim share in this population quadrupled from 10.7 million to 42.7 million people. Such an exponential growth of the Muslim population could pose political challenges for Europe, especially for the countries of Western Europe, which are often the final destination for migrants from various parts of the world, primarily from North Africa and the Middle East. This paper aims to analyse trends in migration and the rate of natural increase in order to roughly estimate whether Europe’s demographic outlook will undergo a major change in the next 50 years. It also attempts to determine what kind of political challenges might arise as a result. Using the method of quantitative content analysis, it is estimated that the Christian population will decrease by about 25 million due to the ageing of the population and declining birth rates, while the Muslim population will increase by about 200 million due to migration and the rate of natural increase. The conclusion is that there are indications that migrations will change not only the demographic outlook, but also the European political and security identity in the worst case. However, in the case of government-controlled migration-induced changes, they will lead mostly to minor changes in the emigration policy.