Abstract ▼

It is noteworthy that as the Russia-Ukraine war enters its third year, China still maintains a firm position consistent with that of the previous year, endeavouring to promote peace talks and ceasefires. This paper employs the content analysis of 97 academic papers on the Ukraine Crisis in Chinese core journals (CSSCI) from February 22, 2022, to February 22, 2024. The research results suggest that Chinese scholars offer a multidimensional analysis of the development of the Russia-Ukraine war. The paper concludes through content analysis and comparison that Chinese scholars share the same stance on the Russia-Ukraine conflict as Chinese officials. First, Chinese scholars call for promoting the transformation of the global energy system, accelerating the development and use of new energy sources, and promoting the development of innovative capabilities to cope with the multiple crises caused by economic sanctions. Second, the Russia-Ukraine war has exacerbated multiple global security crises and traditional and non-traditional security issues, severely affected the global security system, and created a new security dilemma. Third, scholars advocate the concept of “a community with a shared future for mankind” and build a post-Russia-Ukraine war world security pattern.

Abstract ▼

The aim of this research is to evaluate the macroeconomic stability of the BRICS and to determine the potential of Serbia’s foreign trade cooperation with its members. The macroeconomic analysis is based on comparative statistical data for 2000-2022, showing that the BRICS countries, compared to the G7, have higher economic growth rates. However, the standard of living is almost six times lower. On average, inflation and unemployment in the BRICS are higher than in the G7. The BRICS have a twice lower average public debt to GDP, while the external debt ratio to GDP is six times lower than in the G7. Except for China, the BRICS countries’ exports are dominated by resources and products of low-tech processing and export of medium- and high-tech products and capital-intensive products is low. With the exception of China and Russia (with whom Serbia has concluded a Free Trade Agreement), foreign trade with the other BRICS member countries is insignificant, and Serbia has a trade deficit with them. Determining the possibilities for improving trade exchange requires a more detailed analysis of the complementarity of economies and the liberalization of trade regimes. However, geographical distance is the main obstacle.

Abstract ▼

This research intends to provide a deeper insight into the potential of cryptocurrencies as a tool in geopolitical competition. Based on blockchain technology, cryptocurrencies could reshape the international economy and politics in a decentralised manner, challenging centralised money control, transforming trade relations, and offering alternative pathways for international financial transactions. The author employs the theoretical perspective of structural realism, which acknowledges the existence of anarchy in international relations in the absence of a central global authority, to support the main hypothesis that cryptocurrencies have the potential to exacerbate this anarchy. As these digital assets gain prominence, their impact on global trade and financial systems will likely further enhance the decentralised and anarchical characteristics of the international system. Nation-states will seek to control cryptocurrencies through legislative restrictions, regulation, and, most importantly, by creating their own central bank digital currencies (CBDCs). The analysis showed that such processes are already taking place, but states will ultimately fail to minimise the role of cryptocurrencies in geopolitical competition. Some countries have successfully avoided international pressures and sanctions through cryptocurrencies, and secret money flows open up new challenges such as money laundering, war financing, and terrorist and subversive activities.

Abstract ▼

We are witnessing the trend of relative economic and, consequently, political weakening of America and the West and a constant rise of the “rest of the world”, primarily China, whose economic growth, despite slowing down in recent years, is still three times faster than that in the EU and the US. Given that the strategies and policies of great powers, as well as of smaller countries like Serbia, depend on it, in this paper, we try to answer the question of whether the world is in the process of becoming bipolar, multipolar, or whether some form of unipolarity will persist. We start with the definition of polarity in neo-realist terms. We generally accept that after the end of the Cold War, there was a moment of unipolar US dominance, coupled with its hegemony, but this moment has largely passed. However, we are faced with the situation that there has been no clear emergence of either a new bipolar or multipolar order. We cannot argue that Beijing is the other pole of power since only the US has functional alliances that carry weight economically and militarily. And, if we are witnessing the emergence of multipolarity, that is the one that is still fundamentally asymmetric in America’s favour since Washington’s actions predominantly determine the main currents of global geopolitical processes. Thus, we claim that the global order is shaped as an unbalanced multipolarity, with the caveat that the role and strength of poles are in modern times considerably less important than before due to the processes of globalisation and economic interdependency.