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In this paper, we examine the arguments presented by John Mearsheimer in his work on the Ukrainian crisis. Guided by the principles of neorealism, Mearsheimer fundamentally portrays Russia as a declining power forced to defend itself due to Washington’s reckless policies. Policies driven by liberal ideals rather than the principles of realpolitik led to NATO’s expansion into parts of Europe that constitute Russia’s sphere of interest, ultimately resulting in the conflict in Ukraine. While we agree with certain aspects of Mearsheimer’s work, we believe that specific deficiencies create a misleading picture of Russia and its policies in Central and Eastern Europe. Our analysis focuses on aspects of Russian history in these areas and the development of its strategic culture. Based on these foundations, we come to understand that Russian strategic culture is deeply rooted in its historical experience and largely adheres to principles of offensive strategy. Its policy in Ukraine, as well as in Central and Eastern Europe, represents a historical continuity of Russian military activity, which is not a reaction to Washington’s policy but rather a part of a broader strategic culture and the way Moscow formulates foreign policy and perceives the international environment.

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Turkish foreign policy has been attracting ever-increasing attention in the academic literature as the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government has been pursuing proactive, multilateral, and flexible international relations, including many shifting partnerships, fluctuations, and contradictions. Turkey’s attitude towards the recent Russian-Ukrainian conflict presents an important case to deconstruct the main components of the AKP government’s foreign policy under the leadership of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan towards a flashpoint in the neighbourhood. This article aims to explore Ankara’s approach to the war between Russia and Ukraine based on the interaction of changes in global structure and domestic politics. It argues that the shifting global system, accompanied by the new identity construction of the AKP, has played a determining role in the formulation of Turkish foreign policy towards the conflict based on balancing and pragmatism. The article also concludes that Turkish foreign policy provides an important case study to understand how sui generismiddle powers have been responding to global conflicts in a changing global system.

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The Caucasus region has received less attention from Eurasian scholars and policymakers in recent years due to the ongoing armed conflict in Ukraine and the turmoil in the West Asian region. However, the Caucasus region, especially the South Caucasus, suffers from severe geopolitical fragility due to internal and external reasons. As the post-Cold War rivalry between Russia and the United States has reached its highest point, their process of engagement and competition in this sensitive part of Eurasia deserves attention. Therefore, while examining the bilateral relations between Moscow and Washington in the Caucasus, the author aims to explain the current situation in the region and the logic of cooperation and competition between the two countries in recent years. The main objective of this research is to answer the question of what policies the United States and Russia have adopted towards the crises in this region and the reasons and logic of these two countries for these policies. The hypothesis put forward in response to this main question is that different perceptions of how to gain strategic, security, and military benefits have led to the competitive policymaking of Russia and the United States in the crises of the Caucasus region. This research also focuses on the cooperative logic of the United States and Russia in relation to the processes of resolving ethnic and political conflicts in Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Nagorno-Karabakh, which is in line with preserving the perceptual structure of the international system. While relying on the theory of attribution error and the descriptive-analytical approach to examine these hypotheses, the study method is based on documentary research using library data collection and analysis, websites, articles, and Internet resources.

Abstract ▼

Deterrence has long been present in international politics, but it became particularly significant during the Cold War due to its role in great power relations. In contemporary relations, it is necessary to adapt old narratives to reflect new and complex realities, as the challenges posed by the modern world complicate the formulation of deterrence strategies. Nevertheless, the goal of deterrence remains to convince the opponent, through various means and methods, that the costs of taking action far outweigh the potential benefits it could achieve. The authors analyse the concept of deterrence using multiple theories in the domain of theoretical considerations, among other things, and its application in the current relations in the Middle East. After discussing the general theoretical viewpoints, the concept of deterrence is analysed further through the case of Israel and Iran and the relationship between the United States and the Houthis, a non-state actor, to elucidate its specifics. Besides historical circumstances, the analysis also examines current events to understand how the most significant actors have applied the concept of deterrence. Recent events between Iran and Israel, particularly in the political and military context, confirm the relevance of the deterrence concept in international relations.

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This research explores the theoretical formation of the People’s Republic of China’s diplomacy. Despite efforts to relate its theorisation into communicable terms, the West considers them a thin veneer for the ruling Communist Party’s propaganda. China’s diplomatic actions are portrayed as manipulations of a power-greedy state for global might, ready to tear apart the existing arrangements and overtake the United States on the apex of world power. Although a “wolfwarrior” stream in diplomatic practice can sometimes run high, studying China’s theorisation of diplomacy reveals the ideational normativity of willpower for relationships of mutuality. Xi Jinping’s “Thought on Major Country Diplomacy”, formatively shaped in 2014, shows that China’s diplomacy emancipatory crux is frightening to those alarmed by the country’s might. We will test this proposition by conducting a contextual content analysis of relevant sources. The Chinese emancipatory diplomacy conceives the use of the state power for the joint sharing of life, time, and the planet. It is poised to lead to the principled and just consent of all states to achieving an inclusive, equitable, fair, democratic, and peaceful international order of balanced and just autonomous development and global governance through mutually ascertained multilateralism in a human community with a shared future.

Abstract ▼

Investment migration programmes are used by over eighty states globally and pose serious security and criminal risks. Their existence is additionally complex in the EU, as EU citizenship opens up its internal market and grants a set of political rights. Relying predominantly on the normative-legal method, the authors analyse the compatibility of investment migration with international and EU law. The purpose of this analysis is twofold. First, it determines whether national autonomy in citizenship matters is subject to limitations by international and EU law since they impact the legality of investment migration. Second, implications of the Nottebohm case are analysed to determine the relevance of the genuine link criterion for the international recognition of nationality. It was concluded that the genuine link criterion does not affect the legality of investment migration in international and EU law. Instead, legality is achieved if investment migration programmes comply with rules on combating corruption, money laundering, and tax evasion. While authors give due regard to the autonomy of EU law, the need to avoid the danger of the “vertical aspect” of international law fragmentation, i.e., incoherence between EU and international law, and to avoid the creation of an imbalanced legal environment is considered a priority.