Abstract ▼

The Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between the Republic of Serbia and the People’s Republic of China represents one of the most significant changes in Serbia’s trade policy in the last decade. The objective of the paper is to analyse the implications of the Serbia–China FTA for the volume and structure of trade, the competitiveness of the Serbian economy, and Serbia’s strategic positioning in the context of China–European Union (EU) relations. The analysis is based on current data on trade flows and a descriptive-analytical approach, with theoretical grounding in the literature on regional trade agreements, China’s free trade agreements, and small open economies. The results indicate asymmetric initial effects of the Agreement, dominantly concentrated on the import side, while the export effects are conditioned by the structural and institutional capacities of Serbia. The structure of trade remains highly concentrated, with Serbia’s exports dominantly based on primary industrial products, while imports from China consist of products of higher stages of processing and technologically intensive goods. It is concluded that liberalisation by itself is not enough to improve competitiveness, and that active industrial and export policies are necessary in order to achieve long-term development effects.

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This paper analyses China’s strategy toward Russia since the beginning of the war in Ukraine in February 2022 by adopting the theory of predation. It argues that, although China is a rising power and Russia a declining one, Beijing has chosen to tacitly support Moscow’s war effort in order to preserve its relationship with Russia, its only available great-power ally in a hypothetical confrontation with the United States. China has done so by expanding economic and military cooperation with Russia while simultaneously assisting Moscow in mitigating the effects of Western-imposed sanctions. This behaviour reflects a calculated strategy aimed at maximising long-term strategic gains while minimising immediate political and economic costs. However, Beijing’s support for Moscow remained limited due to Russia’s military capacity, which remains potent despite losses in Ukraine, as well as the Chinese reluctance to provoke a broader conflict with the leading Western powers, most notably the United States.

Abstract ▼

The authors explore the driving forces behind the EU’s non-proliferation policies toward existing proliferation cases and crises (India, Pakistan, North Korea, and the Middle East) and answer the question of why the EU’s non-proliferation policy diverges in these cases. The main hypothesis is that there are inconsistencies in the EU’s approach to the proliferation crisis, mainly because its policy is three-layered rather than purely normative or regime-type-dependent. The authors claim that it depends first on the preservation of the NPT regime and the UN SC resolution on the issue. But, secondly, in the absence of such a resolution, the regional and internal EU dimensions that matter. The article is based on the document analysis of the EU strategies, resolutions, cooperation agreements, joint declarations and actions. Then the authors use the qualitative comparative analysis of EU policies and measures toward the specific cases of countries that proliferated nuclear weapons or are accused of violating the NPT. The authors conclude that the EU approach prefers the multilateral UN-centred solutions, diplomacy and financial support, where it can act as a preventive actor, but that, in the cases of its absence and military counter-proliferation efforts, the EU stance becomes more divided and pragmatic depending on the regional security dynamics and the impacts the countries involved in crisis have on the EU.

Abstract ▼

Former German Chancellor Scholz marked the Russian war against Ukraine in 2022 as a turning point (“Zeitenwende”), after which the international system would no longer be the same, as power gained primacy over law and war over peace. Without delving into whether the Russia–Ukraine war objectively represents a turning point in the international system or is merely a subjective perception formed within Germany, this paper aims to determine how Germany has adapted to these “new” circumstances. Since power and war have become central in this “new” international order, Germany’s response to these circumstances must be sought in the field of defence policy. This raises the question of whether the “Zeitenwende” can be considered a turning point in German defence policy? The assumption is that it does represent a turning point, as Germany, for the first time since the end of World War II, independently decided to rearm. The analysis of German defence policy prior to the “Zeitenwende” is based on an interactionist approach that combines structural and actor-centred perspectives. This framework makes it possible to explain both the marginalisation of the armed forces in the period preceding the “Zeitenwende” and the subsequent shift in which rearmament came to occupy a central position in defence policy by examining the dynamic interplay between structural constraints and the agency of key political actors.

Abstract ▼

Migration is increasingly recognised as a complex risk environment shaped by physical insecurity, institutional fragility, environmental pressures, and socio-economic vulnerability. Within this context, perceptions of migration-related risks and safety play an important role in shaping migration expectations, preparedness, and adaptive behaviour. Existing research indicates that women are often disproportionately exposed to exploitation, legal insecurity, and unsafe migration conditions, particularly in fragile institutional and crisis-prone environments. This study examines migration-related risk perception and safety among women across multiple national contexts within a disaster risk management and human security framework. Drawing on data collected through an anonymous cross-national online survey conducted among female respondents from six African countries, the study explores how age, regional context, and institutional trust shape perceived vulnerability and safety assessments during migration processes. Using descriptive statistics, comparative analysis, and a composite Risk Perception Index (RPI), the research identifies consistently high levels of perceived migration-related risks across all examined contexts. The findings indicate elevated levels of perceived migration-related risks across the examined contexts. Respondents aged 21–30 reported higher levels of perceived vulnerability and lower safety perception compared to older respondents, while respondents from Sub-Saharan African countries reported comparatively higher levels of institutional insecurity and economic vulnerability. The findings reinforce the importance of integrating gender-sensitive perspectives into disaster risk management, migration governance, and human security policies. By situating women’s migration experiences within broader frameworks of vulnerability and resilience, the study contributes to a more nuanced understanding of migration as a multidimensional risk process and highlights the importance of targeted preventive and protective measures in high-risk migration environments.