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This study interrogates the profound metamorphosis of America’s international posture, tracing its trajectory from the architect of post-war liberal hegemony to its contemporary manifestation as what we term a “rogue superpower”. This paradoxical condition is defined by the retention of preeminent material capabilities alongside a growing disregard for the very institutional and normative frameworks it once established. To unravel this complex shift, the research constructs an innovative Integrated Multi-Paradigm Framework, synthesising the analytical strengths of neorealist power transition theory, neoclassical realism, liberal institutionalism, and constructivism. This multifaceted lens is applied to a rigorous analysis of primary documents, policy declarations, and empirical data, revealing that America’s unilateral turn is not an ephemeral political phenomenon but a structural realignment. It is propelled by the confluence of systemic forces – relative power diffusion, demographic asymmetries, and technological disruption, and potent domestic currents, economic fragmentation, political polarisation, and evolving national identity narratives. By moving beyond monocausal explanations, this study offers a comprehensive toolkit for scholars and policymakers alike to navigate the contours of global realignment in an emerging post-hegemonic era.

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The application of artificial intelligence in the development of new technologies has significantly contributed to the technological revolution in both the military and civilian sectors. In just two decades, there has been a multi-fold increase in the number of countries involved in innovation programmes based on the use of artificial intelligence, particularly reflected in the military sector. We are witnessing a race in artificial intelligence development. A striking example is the use of unmanned aerial vehicles for military purposes, whether in peacetime or wartime. Using a descriptive and explanatory method of analysis, this paper aims to present the potential of unmanned aerial vehicles in the military sector, the situations and ways in which they are used, and the reasons why their use is widespread today. Therefore, in the first part of the paper, we will define artificial intelligence and clarify the meaning of terms related to unmanned aerial vehicles. Additionally, we will pay attention to the differences between the use of artificial intelligence and drones for military and civilian purposes. Based on this, the second part of the paper is dedicated to the use of drones for military purposes. In this context, we will provide examples of the use of various types of drones in current conflicts around the world. The rationale for theoretically addressing this topic is reflected in the authors’ strive to synthesise the latest knowledge on the use of drones for military purposes and, thereby, conclude on their development and potential, as well as predict potential future trends in the military sector. The authors will collect data through a qualitative analysis of relevant literature and available documents related to the research subject.

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In this paper, the author examines Mosaic Warfare (MW) as a doctrinal concept that emerged in response to the complex and asymmetrical environment shaped by disruptive technology and complexity in the post-Cold War period. With its integration of individual combat platforms and decentralised decision-making through artificial intelligence, MW forms a cohesive force package akin to a mosaic. This approach, which emphasises complexity, flexibility, and speed as tools of advantage, introduces significant doctrinal innovations. However, the author argues that MW cannot be viewed in isolation. Instead, it must be analysed and understood as an evolutionary post–Cold War framework— advancing and integrating critical elements from Network-Centric Warfare (NCW), Multi-Domain Operations (MDO), and Decision- Centric Warfare (DCW). The paper raises the question: Are these new concepts products of the postmodern era, or do they represent a continuation of the centuries-old tradition of the art of war? The author’s use of a comparative and theoretical approach is highlighted, as it situates MW within the broader continuum of classical military thought, drawing from the strategic legacies of Sun Tzu, Clausewitz, and Boyd. Particular emphasis is placed on how MW reinterprets enduring concepts such as deception, friction, and decision-making speed under conditions of complexity and asymmetry. The author concluded that MW is not a complete departure from these classical principles but rather a reinterpretation and evolution in postmodern warfare.

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This article examines the nature of India’s energy relationship with the UAE. It analyses how both countries are navigating collaboration in the energy transition areas concerning global climate action to meet the targets of the Paris Agreement. Furthermore, it analyses to what extent cooperation on renewable energy serves the geopolitical interests of both countries. Integrating renewable energy into the energy portfolio is crucial to mitigating the climate crisis, necessitating international cooperation in finance, technology, and infrastructure development. India and the UAE pursue energy security for distinct motivations. India relies on imports to meet energy demands, while shifts in US energy policy impact the UAE’s economic stability. The UAE’s economy, heavily reliant on crude oil reserves, faces pivotal challenges due to increasing calls for energy transition and regional geopolitical changes. These factors have driven both countries to invest in renewable energy sectors. This article argues that both countries seek pathways to integrate renewable energy into their energy portfolios. Consequently, the UAE can maintain its status as a major energy supplier and reap the geopolitical advantage associated with the label. India can reduce its dependency on energy imports while meeting the increasing energy demands. Simultaneously, both countries are meeting the climate action objectives set by the Paris Agreement.

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Contemporary international relations, characterised by different challenges, risks, and threats, raise questions about the socalled traditional patterns of cooperation between states. On the other hand, the “traditional” theoretical framework related to the collaboration between states excludes concrete guidelines about the cooperation possibilities of small states. Based on the aforementioned, the double goal of this paper is the presentation of contemporary principles and conditions in the context of cooperation between states, while, on the other hand, the paper’s crucial scientific step is to examine the challenges, possibilities, and obstacles of international or regional cooperation of small and micro states, using the Western Balkans as a case study. The key research question is whether small states can lead cross-border regional cooperation and what the key determinants in that process are. From the theoretical perspective, the paper is based on neoclassical realism, a perspective which, in the contemporary context of international relations, explains the manoeuvring space of small states in their foreign policy actions.

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The interplay between Serbia’s multi-vector foreign policy and economic results is the primary research subject of this article. It is explored by observing the connection between Serbia’s political cooperation with its four main strategic partners (the European Union, the United States of America, the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China) and the economic outcomes achieved in cooperation with these countries. The authors employ descriptive statistical and case study analysis to investigate whether four macroeconomic parameters—trade, foreign direct investment, loans, and grants—have been influenced by foreign policy. The analysis indicates that Serbia’s foreign policy orientation is significantly correlated with economic performance. The primary economic parameters linked to political influence are loans and grants. Other aspects of economic performance, such as trade and foreign direct investments, are less affected by political cooperation.