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This article examines how Greenland helps explain the restructuring of national security under conditions of layered sovereignty and the structural transformation of Arctic security. Drawing on securitisation theory, it develops the concept of Greenland as a security interface—an intermediate political space in which Greenlandic authorities, despite lacking full sovereignty in foreign and defence policy, exercise significant political capacity in areas such as economic regulation, resource governance, and external cooperation. The study employs a qualitative, theory-guided interpretation of relevant literature and demonstrates that Greenland’s contemporary strategic significance cannot be adequately explained by geography, natural resources, or military infrastructure alone. Instead, security increasingly develops through the interaction of political authority, institutional arrangements, economic governance, and systemic competition across multiple levels of governance. The findings indicate that contemporary security environments blur the boundaries between domestic governance and foreign and security policy, challenging exclusively state-centric and military conceptions of security. By conceptualising Greenland as a security interface, the article offers a transferable analytical framework for understanding how layered sovereignty and systemic competition increasingly reshape national security beyond traditional state-centric models.

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This paper seeks to explore the relationship between the latest artificial intelligence (AI) technologies and nuclear deterrence, a theoretical and practical concept that has existed in international politics from the Cold War to the present day. The core research question addressed in the analysis is whether the integration of AI into the nuclear deterrence process would contribute to stability or, conversely, whether reducing the human factor in nuclear decision-making would increase the risk of nuclear weapons use. The cost-benefit analysis of artificial intelligence in such a sensitive area as nuclear decision-making is most effectively examined through the realist lens. Also, in the theoretical framework, the author introduces his own concept of “constructed rationality”. The issue of responsibility in the case of the human factor being displaced in favour of AI, creates new challenges and complicates the process of nuclear deterrence. The hypothesis of nuclear peace has proven valid in practice, because mutually assured destruction (MAD) makes war between nuclear powers highly unlikely. AI has already found its place in the military domain, making it justifiable to examine how the application of cutting-edge technology would affect the functionality and predictability of nuclear deterrence among nuclear weapon states. The author concludes that the full integration of AI systems into nuclear decision-making would undoubtedly increase the likelihood of deliberate or inadvertent nuclear escalation.

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This paper addresses an important issue in the inter-state behaviour of the Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom (UK), including their differing foreign policies. It analyses the impact of Brexit on the relationships of these two neighbouring countries – the Republic of Ireland, a member of the European Union (EU), and the UK, a non-EU member since 2020. Using comparative, historical, and statistical methods, this paper aims to answer the research question: Can the Republic of Ireland and the UK maintain their relationship in the spirit of peaceful coexistence? This question is not only thought-provoking but also essential for the future of both nations, particularly in the post-Brexit era. The paper presents findings on the cooperation between the Republic of Ireland and the UK, aiming to mitigate their inter-state conflicts and support the UK’s intra-state unity in the coming years. The conclusion reveals that the UK’s “reason of state”, rooted in its intra-state unity and cooperation with the Republic of Ireland, carries significant implications for the future of both countries, influencing their direction in the post-Brexit landscape.

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This paper examines the Sino-Indian border dispute from India’s independence to the present. Although it does not cover all aspects of the Sino-Indian rivalry, resolving the dispute is crucial for long-term Asian stability. The intensity of the dispute has varied, ranging from periods of calm to military posturing, armed clashes, and war. Therefore, the question arises – what escalates this dispute? Some factors that contribute to escalation are rooted in realism, such as the belief that the other side seeks hegemony, or India’s alignment with China’s main rival (USA/USSR) and China’s alignment with India’s (Pakistan). However, not all factors are based on military-economic capabilities. Some crucial factors stem from internal political dynamics. Therefore, a foreign policy analysis is necessary to understand the nature of this dispute. The two sections of this paper offer a foreign policy analysis of all border incidents during and after the Cold War. Based on it, in conclusion, the author succinctly and tentatively proposes Zhou Enlai’s swap plan (modified by Nehru) as a starting point for further conflict regulation (China would make certain territorial concessions to India), but on the additional condition that India would forever prohibit Tibetan emigrants from engaging in political activities related to Chinese Tibet.

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This paper asks how Djibouti, as a small state with minimal material capacities, leverages its geostrategic position to navigate competing great power interests in the Horn of Africa, and what the implications of this strategy are for its autonomy and long-term development. This paper explores the role of small states in geopolitical power struggles in the Horn of Africa, focusing on Djibouti as a case study. Its conceptual and analytical framework is organised primarily around small state survival strategies, especially shelter theory and strategies of influence, while Mearsheimer’s offensive realism is used only as a contextual tool for characterising the great power environment. The initial assumptions of the paper are that Djibouti is increasing its geopolitical role by implementing survival strategies whose essence is “renting” territory for military bases of foreign states, achieving economic benefits with increased risks of dependence and regional tensions, and that, under the pressure of great power rivalry, Djibouti operationalises its declared neutrality through hedging. Hedging is understood here as the active diversification of external relations, while neutrality refers to the proclaimed political posture of non-alignment in bloc conflicts. The paper’s primary contribution is to the small states’ literature on survival strategies and foreign policy behaviour, using Djibouti as an empirical case that situates small state theory in the Horn of Africa area studies context. Through the analysis of Djibouti’s role in geopolitical power struggles, the paper shows how this small state uses its geostrategic position and limited resources to shape regional dynamics. This happens amid current tensions, including Houthi attacks, US-China rivalry, and proxy conflicts, highlighting that small states are not merely passive objects of great power competition, but can also be active participants that use geostrategic capital for economic benefits, diplomatic autonomy, and influence on regional security.