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Normative entrepreneurs, i.e., those political actors who attempt to promulgate a norm into wide acceptance, can influence the formation of international regimes once the norm they promote becomes widely accepted by most of the world’s countries. However, normative entrepreneurship has limits since not all states accept the proposed norms. This paper will try to answer the question of why that is the case. According to the article, some nations refuse to adopt standards that they believe could jeopardise their national security. Other states can accept the norm even with their national security interests affected due to humanitarian and diplomatic reasons. As a result, a regime could exist and be formed by normative entrepreneurs. However, some powers, potentially the major ones, might not accept it, limiting the regime’s efficacy. The article will present how this security-centric framework functions using the case of the anti-landmine norm and the Ottawa Convention. This approach can explain the membership limits that the regimes produced by normative entrepreneurs such as the Ottawa Convention face. Furthermore, the article will outline how this framework can be used to adjust the anti-personnel landmine norm to a less demanding form, i.e., in such a manner as not to compromise national security and make the spread of the regime-forming norm possible again.

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This article critically examines the growing tension between climate activism and state repression in the European Union, focusing on the legal and political implications of criminalising civil disobedience in environmental movements. It starts from the hypothesis that the legal frameworks of the EU member states and the EU itself insufficiently protect the rights of climate activists, leading to democratic backsliding and the erosion of fundamental freedoms. Grounded in John Rawls’ theory of civil disobedience as a public, non-violent, and conscientious act aimed at changing unjust laws or policies, the article explores whether climate resistance should be considered a legitimate form of political expression rather than a threat to public order. Using a multidisciplinary and comparative legal method, the analysis draws on European and international human rights instruments—including the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the Aarhus Convention—EU climate policy frameworks such as the European Green Deal, and recent jurisprudence from national and European courts. It finds that while legal systems nominally protect freedom of expression and assembly, in practice, they often allow for disproportionate sanctions, police violence, and the misuse of antiterror laws against environmental activists. The article concludes that EU climate governance lacks a consistent human rights-based approach (HRBA), particularly in policy implementation and allocating EU funds. It calls for integrating fundamental rights into all aspects of climate governance, including litigation, policy design, and public participation, to ensure a just, democratic, and socially equitable green transition.

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This study employs a network analysis framework to evaluate economic vulnerabilities within the Western Balkans (WB) value chains, focusing on Serbia, North Macedonia, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Montenegro. The aim is to identify industries critical to the network’s structural integrity and assess potential impacts from disruptions. This approach provides new insights into the connections between the WB countries and regional industries based on input/output data for each sector. Evidence from raw bilateral trade data often misses those insights and does not provide the level of interconnectivity between industries. Our findings highlight the dominant importance of Serbia’s Electricity, Gas, and Water (ELE) industry and Transport (TRA). Also, several industries from North Macedonia are important within the region. The obtained results can be used to revise and adjust industrial and trade policies in the WB countries. Identified interconnectedness is significant for improving the countries’ position in international frameworks and their possibilities for more active participation in value chains.

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This paper explores the role of Citizens’ Assemblies (CAs) in fostering deliberative democracy and resisting authoritarian tendencies in the Western Balkans, a region facing significant democratic backsliding. Analysing three assemblies held in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Montenegro between October 2023 and February 2024, with 133 participants, the study investigates citizens’ willingness to participate and their satisfaction with deliberations on critical societal issues. While CAs remain primarily organised by civil society organisations and face limited institutional support, they have demonstrated significant potential to enhance citizen participation and bridge societal divides. The findings reveal high levels of citizen engagement, with participants articulating perspectives that often challenge dominant political narratives. Notable examples include fostering inter-ethnic dialogue in Bosnia and Herzegovina and producing actionable recommendations on disinformation in Serbia. However, CAs’ influence on formal policymaking is constrained by entrenched political structures, resistance from elites, and funding uncertainties. Despite these challenges, CAs serve as vital platforms for deliberation, offering a corrective to the deficits of traditional governance in hybrid regimes. This study highlights the transformative potential of CAs in building democratic resilience, emphasising their role in advancing deliberative practices and challenging authoritarian norms in fragile political contexts.

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This paper examines the potential role of the Catholic Church in mediating Mexico’s drug war, particularly in light of the 2024 proposal from the leader of the Mexican Episcopal Conference. While the concept of faith-based mediation has been extensively explored in political science, this specific case is noteworthy due to the involvement of drug cartels in an internal armed conflict. Utilising the theoretical framework established by Bercovitch and Kadayifci-Orellana, the author investigates the Church’s identity, resources, challenges, strategies, and motivations as a mediator. The study sheds light on the complex dynamics between the Church and drug cartels, which encompass everything from parallel social activities to instances of victimisation. Despite these challenges, the context in Mexico offers the Church a unique opportunity to confront issues related to drug cartels, including the rise of “narco-religion”. As a result, three potential approaches emerge – religious, social, and political – that could mitigate the influence of drug cartels and enhance the mediating power of the Catholic Church.

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This paper assesses the impact of Chinese and South Korean historical TV dramas on youth in Bosnia and Herzegovina, considering this format as one of the instruments of cultural diplomacy. The primary goal of the research is to determine how these media contents shape the cultural values and attitudes of the target population. Additionally, the paper analyses the development, characteristics, and mutual relationships between Chinese and South Korean TV productions. The research was conducted in two phases, employing a comparative-historical method and thematic analysis of data collected through focus group interviews with sinology students at the Faculty of Philology, University of Banja Luka. The results indicate that Chinese and South Korean historical TV dramas have no significant impact on young people in BiH, with the absence of their influence representing an epiphenomenon of Western cultural hegemony. In this context, the findings contribute to the understanding of the soft power dynamics and cultural interactions in BiH, as well as the challenges faced by alternative cultural contents in a globalised society.

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The Mediterranean migrant crisis, fueled by conflict, poverty and political instability in countries of origin, positions the Mediterranean as the deadliest sea in the world. Thousands risk perilous sea crossings, while transit and destination countries struggle with humanitarian relief and asylum challenges. The European Union initially responded to the crisis by applying the principles of unity and liberalism. This paper deploys political realism as a theoretical lens to analyze the crisis, demonstrating how state sovereignty, national interests, and security concerns dominate policy responses – often at the expense of humanitarian principles. The main concepts employed in the analysis include the state as the primary and most significant actor in international relations, sovereignty as the state’s right to control its borders, national interest as the central motive driving state policy, and security as the paramount priority of states within an anarchic international system. The concepts of anarchy and self-help describe the absence of a superior international authority and the necessity for states to independently ensure their own security. Within the context of the migrant crisis, migration is often perceived as a threat to national security and social stability, while humanitarian concerns are frequently relegated to a secondary position. Research concludes that although the European Union still has mechanisms for the demonstration of cohesion and comprehensive actions, we might expect further strengthening of a realistic approach.

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Vladimir N. Cvetković, Sociology of Politics II: Pre-Modern Political Communities – values, institutions, actors [Sociologija politike (knjiga druga): Predmoderne političke zajednice – vrednosti, institucije i akteri], Belgrade, Faculty of Security Studies and Čigoja, 2023, pp. 458.