Abstract ▼

International economic relations are immensely important for small economies, such as the countries of the Western Balkans (WBC). The importance of economic relations is a key link in the overall economic growth and development, especially in international trade in goods. This paper analyses international trade flows of the WBC and the EU using the gravity panel data model in the period from 2006 to 2020. The research aims to assess the international trade flows between the Balkan countries and the EU, bearing in mind that they conduct the largest volume of trade with the EU member states. Simultaneously, this approach will enable a clearer view of the economic relations of candidate countries during the EU negotiation process for potential membership. The results indicate that the highest volume of trade is achieved with wealthy economies, measured by the development of the economy and the size of the market measured by the number of inhabitants, while the lowest volume of trade is achieved with distant economies. The use of the gravity model in its basic form provides satisfactory model estimates, while the extended model provides additional information on mutual commodity flows with additional variables and dummy variables in the model.

Abstract ▼

The primary aim of this paper is to investigate the objective of India’s joining the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). The significance of this research lies in finding the correlation between the norms adopted by the organisation and the real reason for a country’s joining that organisation. Similarly, special attention has been paid to the concept of international organisations as norm disseminators. The paper first discusses the normative theory of international relations and tries to bridge it with international organisations (IOs). Additionally, the paper assesses the role played by norms in driving international organisations or vice versa. The main argument is that India has adopted a cooperation and competition approach to the SCO, considering its bitter relations with China and Pakistan. This is a qualitative study that considers primary and secondary sources to connect the theoretical understanding with the empirical study.

Abstract ▼

This paper aims to show the growing Russian interest in the development perspectives of African countries. Russia decided to join the new scramble for Africa alongside other international actors, such as China, India, etc. However, due to its internal limitations, Russia’s ability to project its influence in Africa is limited. Therefore, the proposed hypothesis in this paper is that Russia cannot play a leadership role in Africa, but can represent a kind of strategic alternative for African countries. The paper identifies four dimensions of the relationship between Russia and African countries: political, economic, military, and soft power. Furthermore, four goals of Russian policy towards Africa are determined: projecting power on the global stage; accessing raw materials and natural resources; arms exports and security; supporting energy capacities; and infrastructure development in Africa through Russian companies. The paper also addresses African interests in cooperation with Russia. Lastly, Russia’s strategy in Africa has been represented through a SWOT analysis to determine its strengths and weaknesses.

Abstract ▼

The paper contributes to the deconstruction of the liberal peacebuilding concept, particularly its main components of failed state and statebuilding, through the analysis of two internationally-backed statehood projects in the Western Balkans: Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo. The authors analyse critical peacebuilding literature on these two cases to provide arguments for abandoning the failed state and state-building ideas as overly biassed and ideologically based. Instead, they suggest reintroducing the conceptualisation of state-making as a more suitable framework for understanding the post-war context and dynamics in the Western Balkans. Based on that premise, the authors conclude that the cases of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo should be approached from a broader historical and geographical perspective and call for the decentralisation of the “Westphalian state” and the reinstatement of the longue durée perspective in state-formation research, as well as the depathologisation of the subjects of that research.