Abstract ▼

This article explores the potential effects of Chinese economic presence in the countries along the routes of the so-called Maritime Silk Road. Four Arab countries on the Maritime Silk Road were selected for analysis: Egypt, Saudi Arabia, oman and Yemen. Potential and realized costs and benefits are being explored for both China and Arab countries. Two hypotheses are tested. The first is that investments of Chinese companies make it possible for the selected countries to join international trade flows, to diversify income and increase production and expand the range of products at reasonable costs. This is proved by an analysis of the sectoral distribution of current Chinese investment and the trend of investing in certain segments of Arab economies, mostly outside the energy sector. The second one is that some or all Arab countries along the Maritime Silk Road can increase exports to China, despite their low competitiveness, limited volume and range of products and high competitiveness of Chinese products on the other side. The application of the coefficient of conformity between Arab exports and China imports has shown that Arab countries have a chance to increase only exports of oil and organic chemicals to China. However, an analysis of trade statistics shows a dramatic increase in exports of many products that China itself exports at significantly more competitive prices, which is beyond any trade reason. oriented towards broader and long-term national interests, China makes compromises in certain sectors for greater benefit in another sector or for higher-order benefits, such as geostrategic positions.

Abstract ▼

The authors are considering the complex socio-political and economic changes that occurred in Latin America during the first two decades of the 21st century. The starting hypothesis is that during this period, significant internal changes took place within the framework of Latin American regionalism, as well as with the region’s relations with the world. All of these changes developed in accordance with the theory of complex interdependence and open regionalism that relies on neoliberal reforms. Furthermore, the authors have identified external variables that had directly influenced Latin American internal economic, political, and social development. The ideological breakup of the political consensus that existed in this region during the 1990s led to the emergence of new models of integration, cooperation with other blocs in the world, but also to the appearance of the first Latin American emerging power (Brazil). However, the most significant changes occurred in South America, where non-traditional political regimes, including the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela, came to power at the beginning of the 21st century. All these regimes were defined as politically and economically anti-neoliberal but trying to adopt new state measures in order to solve deep social crises that convulsed the basis of Latin American democracy. When analyzing these events, the authors define two periods, taking into consideration the election results for evaluating the ideological changes and their consequences. The conclusion is that, at the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century, and after the end of the election cycles in 15 countries of the region, there is a relatively balanced division of power between the progressive so-called leftist regimes and the rightist ones, which were in the majority in the second decade of the 21st century.

Abstract ▼

In recent decades, the encroachment of the Security Council on the competence and jurisdiction of the General Assembly and other UN bodies is noticeable. The encroachment indicates the tendency of the Security Council to broaden, arbitrarily, the definition of what constitutes a threat to international peace and security, particularly with respect to thematic debates on social, humanitarian, economic, and development issues. Thematic debates on AIDS, climate change and human rights had caused the anger of the Member States and raised a question about the jurisdiction of the Security Council comparing to the other UN bodies like the General Assembly and the Economic and Social Council. The encroachment of the Security Council might have positive aspects in the development and popularization of the human security concept within the United Nations. The author concludes that the encroachment of the Security Council causes more damage than good effects for the United Nations. It shows a lack of coordination between main bodies, stagnation, and the marginalization of other main bodies in the UN system and arbitrarily boarding of “a threat to peace” and “the maintenance of international peace and security”.