Abstract ▼

The history of Italo-Serbian diplomatic, i.e., political, economic and cultural relations in the 19th and 20th centuries can be seen in two ways: as a series of events and processes that would acquire their full meaning only with the accession of Serbia to the european Union where Italy is one of the founders and represents one of the key actors; or, as a series of ups and downs in relations, unexpected events and processes, accidental and ideologically orientated contacts of individuals and groups, accurate or inaccurate Italian perceptions of Serbs and vice versa, which in fact did little to dispel mutual stereotypes and help establish a deeper relationship between the two peoples and their states

Abstract ▼

There is an ongoing debate about Germany’s role in europe in global academic and intellectual circles. the debate on the role of Germany in europe gained momentum with its reunification in 1990, only to become current after the onset of the financial and economic crisis of 2008, and we further expect it to develop after the potential withdrawal of the UK from the european Union. In this debate, one can find various determinants of Germany’s role, from being a civilian force, a central force, an insecure force, all the way to being a reluctant hegemon. Due to europe’s sensitive past and the sentiment German hegemony evokes in europe, the paper will specifically address this issue. In the paper, we will initially address the concept of hegemony and then analyse whether Germany has these characteristics today. Subsequently, the question of hegemony will be considered in the contemporary context, both in international relations and with regard to the acceptance such concept has in the post-World War II liberaldemocratic system of Germany. Finally, an assessment will be made of whether Germany occupies the place of a hegemonic power in europe and whether it falls within Germany’s priorities for the future.

Abstract ▼

The crisis created by the conflicts in Syria was the largest displacement crisis in the world according to the report of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in 2016. turkey, Lebanon and Jordan were among the first countries to respond to the Syrian crisis and were directly affected by it because these countries share boundaries as well as historical relations with Syria. these countries are considered the most common abode for Syrian refugees. the purpose of this study is, therefore, to identify the nature of the humanitarian assistance received by Syrian refugees in Lebanon and Jordan as low-income countries and what are the most critical problems they faced. the research also looks at how the Syrian refugee crisis can be dealt with and responded by these countries. through this comparison, many important points have been reached regarding the status of refugees within the Middle east region and the response mechanism in developing countries. However, many countries in the region do not have a clear policy applicable to refugee protection and are not a party to international refugee protection conventions. therefore, no special legal status protects and regulates refugees in many countries in the region.

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This paper analyzes the situation in Northeast Asia from the perspective of the rise of power of China in recent decades and the reaction of China`s neighbors Japan and South Korea. Following the propositions of the balance-ofpower theory, mainly envisioned through the neorealist paradigm, there exists a discrepancy in the expected reaction of Japan and South Korea to the Chinese rise. Because of China`s relative superiority in power over Japan and South Korea, the balance-of-power theory posits that the two states would pursue a strategy of external balancing by aligning themselves in order to be able to counteract the Chinese rise in power. Yet, there have been no signs of Japan and South Korea pursuing such a strategy. on the contrary, a series of disputes between the two states in the past couple of years point to Japan and South Korea getting further away from each other. By employing the neoclassical realist approach, this paper argues that historical animosity between Japan and South Korea stretching back to the early twentieth century, shaped their strategic culture in a way that is hindering Japan and South Korea to make the strategic choice to balance externally.

Abstract ▼

The intercultural relations between Serbia and Italy have always been an important and prolific bridge for bringing closer the two nations based on common democratic values. It is also true that the intercultural relations between Serbia and Italy have also passed periods of crisis and misunderstandings, especially during the wars of the dissolution of Yugoslavia. this article, firstly, intends to analyse some cultural aspects and facts, principally based on semantic and translation stereotypes that constituted real forces of alienation between the two nations, despite the fact that in the Southeast european geopolitical system Italy, Serbia, Romania and Greece have common interests. Secondly, this study intends to re-evaluate the Italo-Serbian intercultural relations under the perspective and approach of modern cultural diplomacy