Abstract ▼

This paper discusses six different mechanisms by which the former colonial powers together with the United States maintain Sub-Saharan Africa in a state of controlled dependence and underdevelopment. The struggle for democracy and human rights has become a screen to establish a new system of exploitation, which, unlike colonialism, abolishes the perpetrator from any responsibility, given that the exploited countries are now sovereign independent states. Specifically, these are the development aid programs, the structural adjustment programs (SAPs), the World Trade Organization policies, the activism of non-governmental organizations, military interventions and the ‘colonization of the mind’. These mechanisms work individually, but also in a synergy creating a complex system of economic, political and cultural barriers that prevent the construction of local institutions which should create a functional political and economic system in African countries.

Abstract ▼

China and Serbia in recent years have started new forms of cooperation within the established China-CEEC “16+1 cooperation” mechanism. This cooperation is far more comprehensive and bearing a number of completed and planned concrete projects. Chinese companies already have a number of infrastructure projects in Serbia, as well as some major investments in several sectors of the Serbian economy. Since these projects have been proven to be fruitful, apart from deepening the existing forms of cooperation, it would be desirable to start investing in new sectors of the Serbian economy that have a potential for growth and development. Since it is possible to export from Serbia to many countries of the world, China would benefit from production in Serbia. Investments in the agriculture and food processing industry have a great potential for further growth of these production sectors, and they occupy a significant place in Serbian exports. Based on the foreseen possibilities of growth, primarily in the processing industry of Serbia, the paper gives a few recommendations for industrial cooperation between China and Serbia.

Abstract ▼

A recent analysis of Russia focusing on the person of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s and his psychological profile, though easy to comprehend, does not help to understand the international choices that Russia has opted for in the last decades and prevent us from seeing what Moscow really wants. Trapped in the old narratives of the Red Threat, the West cannot comprehend that today’s Russia is not an automatic continuation of the Soviet period, but has developed new priorities and leadership, with different policies and approaches, especially in foreign policy. Instead of accepting the interpretation that Russian politics over the last seventeen years is dominated by Tsar Putin tout court, the paper offers a theory of three elites (spies, jurists, diplomats) that have rotated in and out of the Kremlin’s top leadership positions during this period; each of them dealing with specific policy objectives. According to this interpretation, we are currently in the middle of the phase dominated by Russian Diplomats and the return of Foreign Policy as a central pillar of the Kremlin’s political agenda.

Abstract ▼

In its broadest sense, this paper deals with the socio-political situation in one of the World’s most fragile and unstable states – Yemen. The first part of the paper gives a review of the socio-political situation in the pre-unification period, with a focus on the explanation of some regional differences in this highly fragmented society. The second part deals with the difficulties of the postunification period during which tensions in Yemen gradually grew and eventually led to a full-scale war that started in 2015. The third part is a review of the situation from the start of the political turmoil until the present day. Yemen is the least known of all Arab states and the situation in it is often misunderstood or oversimplified. For this reason, the goal of this paper is to shed light on the entangled Yemeni socio-political dynamics in order to help the understanding of the present political context in this country.

Abstract ▼

For many centuries South America was a place of great powers clash. After decolonization, many South American states established the uti possidetis principle based on which they grounded their frontiers. The case of Guyana Essequibo is an example of breaking this principle and international law. The question of Guayana Esequiba is the subject of a territorial dispute between Great Britain and British Guiana on one side, and Venezuela on another. In this regard, this work is divided into four chapters. In the introduction author deals with historical issues related to this territory, or analysis of the uti possidetis principle implementation. In the second chapter are emphasised the British claims to this territory expressed through the introduction of so-called Schomburgk line. The third chapter deals with the legal analysis of The Arbitral Award of Paris. The author points out that it was a crucial political argument rather than a legal one. The fourth chapter analyses the Geneva Agreement, or its non-implementation. At the end, the author emphasises the important role of multinational corporations for (un)solving of this problem.

Abstract ▼

In the last decade, China, Taiwan and Japan have intensified their territorial claims in the East China Sea over the islands that the Chinese call Diaoyu, Taiwanese Diaoyutai, and the Japanese Senkaku (hereinafter: the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands). Due to the increasingly visible escalation in mutual relations arising from different points of view regarding the sovereignty of the mentioned islands and different approaches of the coastal states regarding the delimitation of the borders of exclusive economic zones and continental shelves where no party wants to make concessions to the other party, the application of international law seems inevitable mechanism for overcoming territorial disputes. This is very important because if the disputes are not settled peacefully and with the application of international law, it is quite certain that in the future, the relations between the coastal states will deteriorate. Along with this, there may also be stronger interference by the United States in disputes, which, as a great power, can use the existing situation to strengthen its own geo-strategic position and military presence, and then to ensure its own geo-economic interests in a global game for the energy resources in which this maritime region is quite rich. Hence, it is necessary for all parties in the territorial dispute to make additional efforts to reach solutions in accordance with the rules and principles of international law, which, in all likelihood, constitute an optimal guarantee of achieving lasting peace and security in this part of the world.