Abstract ▼

The paper deals with the development of an applied ethics for the diplomatic service — a section of applied ethics that is clearly called for in order to nonrepressively regulate this part of the public administration, yet one that so far has hardly been addressed in depth. The paper explores some of the specificities of diplomacy as a cooperative game-based profession and builds on the legacy of Max Scheler’s philosophical views on the role of sympathy in human relations to lay groundwork for a diplomatic ethics based on sympathy. In doing so, the author revises some of Scheler’s starting positions — for Scheler believed that sympathy cannot be a basis for ethics — through first exploring the reasons for Scheler’s pessimism about an ethics of sympathy, and then by developing empirically informed groundwork for precisely such an ethics in the diplomatic field. The paper’s argument rests on the assumption that, if there is to be an effective ethics for diplomacy as a discipline, it must be simple and based on a dynamic principle that will motivate all participants to cooperate, regardless of their cultural or geo-strategic differences and interests. In other words, such ethics must be capable of taking account of the differing interests, while at the same time providing sufficient common ground in values to ensure cooperation. The author argues that a an applied ethics that is grounded in the functional mechanism of “sympathy” of “fellow-feeling”, allows for a regulatory system of behaviour that would satisfy both mentioned conditions: simplicity and sufficient motivational potential to generate cooperative initiatives.

Abstract ▼

Socialist societies, as very closed, were ideal environment for political mobbing. Mobbers made their victims additionally, and mostly, guilty, by making up political quilt, marking them as political enemies for life, and sometimes even their families for generations. Formally reshaped political practice of post socialist societies shows political consciousness and habits change hard, and that tradition, even when it is pathological, survives for long, especially in politics. Since political mobbing and democracy, at least formally, do not mix, mobbing in post socialist societies becomes formally less political, but even more perfid. There are more than enough indications that this kind of perfid repression sustained in post socialist societies that are not truly, but only formally democratized. In those states mobbing frequently exceeds companies and starts to spread across other spheres of the society, becoming much more a brake than a flywheel of democratization.

Abstract ▼

Trafficking in human beings is a global phenomenon that adversely affects the countries in the political and economic transition or in the post-conflict stress. This phenomenon is also present in the economically developed countries. It is not an individual phenomenon that poses a threat to a limited number of persons. It rather has deep social and economic implications, because it thrives on globalisation and introduction of high-end technologies. Human trafficking affects almost all: women, men, girls and boys. It affects every continent and all regions of the world where it is becoming a growing trend. The forms of exploitation that generates huge profit differ, yet all of them imply forced exploitation, abuse of human beings, and violation of human rights. In view of the fact that the data relating to this phenomenon are alarming, combating trafficking, along with combating terrorism and drug trafficking, has become a priority of governments and international officials worldwide.

Abstract ▼

The article deals with the issue of ecumenism and the most important examples of its “institutionalisation”. It is stated that ecumenism considers doctrine, universal inter–church movement and proclaimed mission statement related to achieve Christian unity. It posseses at least theological, sociological and political determines. The World Council of Churches represents universal inter–church forum for dialogue and cooperation that lacks clear ecclesiological identity, but getting characteristics of tipical international–political movement. The Conference of European Churches represents similar European organization. The Parliament of World Religions pretends to found and promote “global ethics” in order to accomplish pacifistic goals in the world.

Abstract ▼

Security in the Balkans and Serbia is largely determined by developments in the wider Eurasian region. In this sense, the authors point out the main challenges that manifest themselves primarily in the field of energy security as well as in the field of security integrations. The authors point to the past achievements of security integration at Eurasian space, which are primarily the product of indigenous initiatives in the countries of the region within which the particular joint military forces are planned or developed. In this regard, the most significant results were obtained in the framework of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) created under the initiative of Russia and former Soviet republics, as well as on initiative of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which is based on the Russian-Chinese initiative.

Abstract ▼

This paper analyzes the process of democratization in post-Soviet space (valued primarily through achieved level of civil liberties and political rights) and attempts to answer the question how much was this process determined by cultural and civilization differences, in the way in which Huntington defines them. Considering that the very process of democratization in the former Soviet Union is characterized by the conflict between two civilizational and ideological approaches, where the first one is personified in universalist ideas of liberal (Western Christian) democracy, and second one, the Russian concept of sovereign democracy, the author explains U.S. actions in an attempt to export democracy to the area of the former USSR, as well as Russia’s response towards the restraint of so-called “fourth wave of democratization”.

Abstract ▼

’Turkish strategic vision’ is consistent project, making a unit within itself. The goals are long term. The resources are significant. The methods are conciliant. However, if the wider context of movement of power constellation is established, the issue on realism and realization of ‘Vision’ shall be brought. The relations between Turkey and Europe Union within the context of the development of the European Union have two phases. The first phase includes classic Turkish foreign policy, which was characterized by the strong direction of Turkey towards European and Euroatlantic integrations. The second phase is marked by the new Turkish state policy proclaimed in the project “Turkish strategic vision“. Mutual attraction between Turkey and the EU is found in the domain of energetics.

Abstract ▼

Russian foreign policy is based on three basic postulates. The first is a collaboration of Moscow with former Soviet republics. The second postulate is the relationship between Russia and the United States. Finally, the third is related to the Russian foreign policy toward Asia, especially Moscow’s relations with China. When it comes to relations with Serbia, these relationships are part of the overall relations between Moscow― South Stream gas pipeline.