Abstract ▼

The following article analyzes the way, in which different ICTY trial chambers evaluated the events in Račak 1999. In order to do that, the concept of framing is used. Frame analysis is a popular approach in media research, where it serves as a tool for comparing the way, in which different media outlets present events, people and facts to their readers. In this article, frame analysis is used in order to show differences and similarities between the frames used by the ICTY prosecution teams dealing with Račak and trial chambers at one hand, and the frames used by actors external to the ICTY on the other hand. The comparisons reveal, whether the trial chambers’ frames about Račak were likely to be influenced by external actors like foreign governments, international human rights organizations and influential international media. We argue, that such influence cannot be excluded, when external actors’ frames are consistent with the trial chambers frames. It can be excluded, though, when the trial chambers’ frames a do not show any similarities or contradict the frames of such external actors. The article provides some surprising insights. Although the ICTY judges’ assessment of the events in Račak 1999 are to a large extent congruent with the frames put forward in 1999 by Western governments and international human rights organizations, they never sentenced anyone for the crimes, which allegedly had taken place in the village. This even more astonishing, if one takes into account, that immediately after the events, the Office of the Prosecutor had demonstrated a strong engagement to investigate the events. The events had been strongly politicized and by many historians are regarded as a key event which led to the Rambouillet talks and triggered the bombing of the Serbia in 1999.

Abstract ▼

The aim of this paper is to explore the ways in which the old and new media in Serbia after the Cold War give impetus to creating social violence. During the 1990\\\'s, civil war and conflicts were reality of Serbia and political violence in the media was the dominant phenomenon – the most influential media being television and the paper press. Radical media change came after the political revolution on October 5, 2000: social violence became a substitute for political violence. The most popular media nowadays in Serbia are the Internet and the electronic press including “modern topics” about hooligans violence, family violence, sexual violence and the maltreatment of children. Violence is still the most dominant phenomenon in the Serbian media even though the wars are behind us because frustration and poor social standards have not disappeared. Political pluralism and a capitalist economic system in Serbia have generated a diffusion of social violence. The new media has an ambivalent relationship with the public: first, the media is responsible for the growth of social tension because of popularizing topics about violence and conflicts - as in movies, reality shows with scenes of violence etc.: and then second, the media as importantly shows the methods and institutions for preventing violence such as “safe houses” for victims of violence etc. For some time now in Serbia there has been an action in progress, by the state as well as non-governmental organizations, against violence in the media. What is missing though is scientific and expert research which would objectively determine the level of violence present in the media, as well as the degree of its harmful influence on users of the media. This is why the Center for Security Studies and Terrorism Research, of which I am the Director, decided to start a wider and longer-lasting research of the relationship between media and violence in Serbia. This research would has had several stages and lasted over a number of years. In the first stage the main goal was to determine the citizens\\\' views about the degree of violence present in the media in Serbia, through survey and directed interviews. The media were classified as “old” and “new”. The results of this stage of research will be presented to the public for the first time now, at the IPRA Congress in Sidney. We hope that this research will answer some of the questions so often asked by various groups in Serbian society, as well as in the scientific community.

Abstract ▼

Terrorism is a complex sort of violence and negative kind of communication in the world. International security in the war on terrorism should have three levels of organizations: state, regional and global levels and permanent cooperation among democratic countries. The aim of this paper is to show crucial elements of new international security and role of management of communication in building sustainable development models and defending peace. Successful management of international security can be difficult when the network crosses international borders. The Internet has become a place for terrorist groups which send their messages of hate and violence to victims. The main role in the fight against terrorism could have governments work in cooperation with communication management: to neutralize the effects of manipulations in mass media, to organize protection of communication of the staff and the target public and to organize training and education in the field of communication security.

Abstract ▼

This paper investigates the sources of the stereotypes and (mis-) representations of Africa in the Western media. It founds that the depiction of Africa as the “dark continent” infested with diseases, corruption, hunger and everlasting “tribal conflicts” is caused by the commercialization of the media sector, media monopoly and economic interests, as well as, old colonial prejudice and ignorance. Studying the crises and conflicts’ reporting, the paper identifies patterns that are used to create an image of Africa as if dependable on foreign funds and aid agencies. Due to the media’s partiality, the involvement of the Western political structures and multinational corporations in the exploitation of Africa’s natural resources, their common support of dictatorial regimes and weapon exports into (post-)crisis regions are deliberately left out of the reports. It is therefore difficult to imagine that the prevailing images of Africa in the Western media could ever be altered, save for the fact that African states start being regarded as equal partners in political and economic dialogue.

Abstract ▼

In the last decade of the 20th century, the Balkans featured in the critical events of the century, such as the dissolution of the Former Yugoslavia, the collapse of the Soviet Block, the transition of the former socialist, state-run economies into market-oriented economies, the great shift in understanding security concepts, as well as in many other events, which had significant impact on the countries in the Region and resulted in pacification of a very volatile area in Europe. On one hand the Region was calming down, on the other, new, asymmetric threats emerged, and they are not exclusive to the countries in the Region, they pertained to world-wide trends threatening global security. Global threats require global response. It is very often the case that regional organizations are not enough. They, however, may be a solid starting point or foundation for boosting security in certain areas. In order to strengthen regional security, some common activities should be undertaken, and they are: common definition of asymmetric threats, regional vulnerability assessment, and establishment of common regional mechanisms in response to the common threats.

Abstract ▼

Brussels very carefully carries out the idea of accession of the Western Balkans to the EU. The reasons for this approach are two-fold. The first lies in the fact that the Western Balkans was involved in war conflicts in the last decade of the twentieth century, the largest since the Second World War. The second fact is that the U.S. and Russia are largely politically present in the Balkans. Conflicts in the Balkans were solved by NATO arbitration, and Russian presence in the Balkans is strongly felt, especially via large energy ventures. All this has undeniable effect on the efforts of the countries of Western Balkan to convince the European partners of their European orientation.

Abstract ▼

Paper presents research project which analyses the impact of informal institutions on the rule of law in Central Europe and Latin America. That’s why main ideas of researchers Hans-Joachim Lauth, Wolfgang Muno, Peter Thiery, Petra Guasti, Andraž Teršek and Bojan Dobovšek are presented in the paper. Project investigates the relationship between informal institutions and rule of law in new democracies of the “third wave” and it the analysis builds on a broad concept of institutions. It focus how far factual behavior such as corruption and clientelism, defined as informal institutions, are compatible with those norm expectations related to the formal institution of a state under rule of law, or in how far they are opposed to it. The main question is, which governance options exist to reduce the power of opposed informal institutions and to foster stability and quality of rule of law and hence of democracy. The empirical part of the study compares, initially on regional level, three countries of Latin America and Central-Eastern Europe respectively according to the emergence, development and impact of their informal institutional structures. The compared cases have high (Chile, Slovenia), middle (Mexico, Poland), and low quality of rule of law (Argentina, Romania).